For most Canadians, the world is in trouble.

Canadians may be somewhat divided as to whether the country is heading in the right direction (40%) or off on the wrong track (37%), but compared to what we see in the rest of the world, the consensus seems to be things could be worse.  Around the world, only 16% see things going in the right direction, while 61% say things are off on the wrong track.

There are regional, political and slight generational differences in feelings about the direction of things in Canada.  Younger people are more likely to feel positive, and “right track” is the plurality response in BC, Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada.  Prairie residents and Conservative voters occupy the other end of the spectrum on this question.

But when evaluating the state of the world, differences in view among Canadians are modest – people in all age groups, regions, and every party believe the world is doing badly

THE BIG PROBLEMS FACING CANADA

To dig into the issues that matter to people today, we used a question structure that the Pew Research team has used, allowing us to compare results in the US to those in Canada.  We asked people to rate the seriousness of a series of issues in Canada.  Here are some of the interesting findings of the leading concerns of Canadians.

-The adage holds that elections are always about the economy. But while the top economic concern is usually jobs, today, things are different. People are more concerned about wages, the cost of living, the cost of housing, and the gap between the rich and the poor.

-The opioid crisis has also become a large, mainstream concern. Drug addiction has probably never figured as prominently among the concerns of Canadians than it does today.

-Climate change ranks relatively high on the list of concerns, just slightly ahead of illegal immigration and the federal deficit.

For the most part, the hierarchy of top problems is similar for younger as for older Canadians, but older people put more emphasis on drug addiction, the budget deficit, and illegal immigration while younger Canadians are more likely to feel that job opportunities and racism are problems.

Women rated all the issues more seriously than men. The gap is largest on housing affordability, wages, and cost of living, drug addiction, climate change, and sexism.

Because the differences in partisan leanings are markedly different between those living on the Prairies and those in Ontario and Quebec, we took a look at the differences in issues of importance. On the Prairies, housing costs are roughly equivalent in the importance of drug addiction, the deficit and illegal immigration. In central Canada, gun violence, the gap between rich and poor, and especially climate change all show significantly higher levels of concern.

Politically, there are some very sharp differences. Conservatives are far more likely to rate the federal budget deficit, illegal immigration, and terrorism as very big. NDP voters are more likely to emphasize wages and the cost of living and the gap between the rich and the poor.  Liberal and NDP supporters are far more preoccupied with climate change compared to Conservatives supporters. Liberals are least likely to see illegal immigration as a very big problem while NDP supporters are more likely to be concerned about housing affordability although that issue is the highest concern for the most people overall.

Roughly 8 million voters are characterized as “Persuadable” or swing voters in our segmentation model (people who say they are inclined to want a change in government but could be persuaded to vote to re-elect the incumbents).

When we compare Blue Persuadables (inclined to vote Conservative) and Orange Persuadables (inclined to vote NDP) there are distinct agenda differences.  Orange Persuadables focus on the gap between the rich and poor, climate change, and wages and cost of living, while Blue Persuadables are more preoccupied with the federal budget deficit and illegal immigration.

CANADIANS AND AMERICANS

When looking at recent results to these questions among Americans, we see:

-Similar levels of concern about wages and the cost of living, illegal immigration, climate change, and jobs.

-Americans are 19 points more preoccupied with the deficit, 19 points more likely to say sexism is a very big problem, and over 25 points more concerned about drug addiction, gun violence, and racism. Drug addiction is the most intense concern of all of those tested in the US.

UPSHOT

The level of anxiety in America is clearly higher than it is in Canada, and the list of concerns is quite different in some respects.  Overall, it seems that economic growth and jobs are not as pressing a concern as wages, the cost of living, and economic inequality.  This appears true in both countries.

America is grappling with drug addiction and gun violence and feels considerably more stress around gender and race equality.  Americans are also showing some reaction to the growth in the federal deficit under President Trump.

Here in Canada, the principal focus for many people is the cost of living. Beyond that, we see some important differences by region and political affiliation. Climate change is a preoccupation for centre and left voters but conservatives and Prairie voters do not attach nearly as much importance to the issue. Similar cleavages are evident on illegal immigration and gun violence.

Canadians are far from universally happy or complacent, but there is clearly a sense that our problems are not as big as those in other parts of the world, and the data show that while we have political cleavages, they are isolated to a handful of issues, around climate change, law and order and to some degree cultural diversity/immigration.  The next election promises to be an important test of what agenda is chosen by the most voters, and what solutions they favour to the issues they care about.

METHODOLOGY

Our survey was conducted online with 1,650 Canadians aged 18 and over from October 24 to 29, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 2.2%, 19 times out of 20.  The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

ABOUT ABACUS DATA

We are the only research and strategy firm that helps organizations respond to the unprecedented threat of generational change and technological disruption.

We are an innovative, fast-growing public opinion and marketing research consultancy. We use the latest technology, sound science, and deep experience to generate top-flight research-based advice to our clients. We offer global research capacity with a strong focus on customer service, attention to detail and exceptional value.

Contact us with any questions.

Most Canadians would vote for the USMCA deal.

In our latest national survey, we asked several questions about the recently agreed to trilateral trade deal (USMCA) which is proposed to replace NAFTA.

Here is what we found:

Across the country, 59% believe that it was a “good step” for Canada to decide to enter this agreement, based on what they have heard or read about it, while 41% feel it was a bad step.  Majorities of 61% or higher in every region say good step, except for Quebec, where 47% say good step and 53% feel it was a bad step.

Across partisan lines, the deal was welcomed by half of NDP voters, 59% of Conservatives and 75% of Liberal voters.  Among Blue Persuadables, 58% say the deal was a good step while among Orange Persuadables, 51% feel that way.

(Blue Persuadables are those who are planning on voting Conservative but say the incumbent Liberals might be able to win their support in next year’s election.  Orange Persuadables are those planning on voting NDP but who say they could be persuaded to support the Liberals)

Most people (59%) feel that the “Trudeau government achieved as much as was possible in negotiating on Canada’s behalf” while 41% believe “a Conservative government led by Andrew Scheer could have achieved more for Canada.”  The belief that the Trudeau government got the best deal possible is 60% or higher in every region except for Alberta, where it drops to 38%.  Across party lines, 92% of Liberals say the government got the best deal possible, 68% of New Democrats and 19% of Conservatives.

When asked if they were a Member of Parliament whether they would vote for or against the deal, 59% said they would vote in favour, 41% opposed, with support 61% or higher in every region but Quebec, where 48% would vote in favour and 52% opposed.  Among NDP voters and Orange Persuadables 51% would vote yes on the deal.  Among Conservatives and Blue Persuadables the proportions voting yes would be 55% and 56% respectively.

The issue of dairy market access played out prominently in the talks, and we asked the following question: “One of the things that Canada agreed to in the new USMCA was to let American dairy producers have more access to sell their dairy products to Canadian consumers.  Canadian dairy farmers had opposed this. Which is closer to your view …I’m very opposed to any changes that allow the US more access to our dairy market…I think it’s a reasonable trade-off to allow the US more access to our dairy market in exchange for having a trade agreement…or I don’t have any feelings one way or the other about this.”

On this question, 43% expressed opposition to allowing more US producer access to Canada’s dairy market, while an almost equal number said they felt this was a reasonable trade-off while 18% have no clear views.  Discomfort is 14 points higher in Quebec compared to the rest of the country.

Across party lines, 33% of Liberal voters are unhappy about that aspect of the deal, while 53% accept the trade-off and 16% have no real opinion.  Conservative unhappiness with the impact on dairy registers at 42% while 60% of NDP voters are opposed to this aspect of the deal.

UPSHOT

When Canada first agreed to enter into a free trade agreement with the US, Canadians were anxious about the potential downsides and hesitant about whether it was a good idea.

With 30 years of experience of free trade, opinion has shifted and most Canadians indicate relief that a new deal has been reached, having wondered if that would be possible, given the uncertainty that has marked the trade relationships of the US, under President Donald Trump.  Given that Liberal vote has been in the 33%-38% range lately, the fact that about 60% are supportive of this new deal indicates that the issue is at this point in time, a positive for Mr. Trudeau and his party.

There is evidence of some discomfort with the dairy provisions, especially in Quebec, and time will tell whether this becomes a larger or persistent source of unhappiness with the USMCA outcome.

So far, at least, the USMCA deal is not a situation where many voters think a Conservative government would have been able to accomplish more.

METHODOLOGY

Our survey was conducted online with 2,109 Canadians aged 18 and over from October 5 to 12, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 2.2%, 19 times out of 20.  The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

ABOUT ABACUS DATA

We are the only research and strategy firm that helps organizations respond to the unprecedented threat of generational change and technological disruption.

We are an innovative, fast-growing public opinion and marketing research consultancy. We use the latest technology, sound science, and deep experience to generate top-flight research-based advice to our clients. We offer global research capacity with a strong focus on customer service, attention to detail and exceptional value.

Contact us with any questions.

Canadians are ready for legal cannabis

Téléchargez le rapport en français ici

As recreational use of cannabis is set to become legal on October 17, we conducted a national survey of 3,000 Canadian adults on behalf of The Cannabis Council of Canada in September to find out how the country was feeling about legalization.  Here’s what we found:

Most people support (46%) or can accept (24%) cannabis legalization. Thirty percent are opposed. Strong support is higher than (25%) than strong opposition (18%).

Majorities in every region support or accept legalization.

Although younger Canadians are more likely to support or accept legalization (81% among those aged 18 to 29), at least 6 in 10 Canadians in all age groups can at least support or accept legalization. Those who use cannabis more likely to support or accept legalization, but even a clear majority of non-consumers accept or support it.

Liberal and NDP voters are more supportive of legalization, and in each case, roughly 30% strongly support this change.  Among Conservatives, opinion is divided, with just over half saying they either support or can accept this change in the law.

Acceptance of legalization is tied to how people feel about the way policy and regulation are developing around this change.  At this stage in the process, most (70%) feel that the regulatory approach being taken by the Government of Canada is working well or well enough (including 55% of Conservatives).

Attitudes towards cannabis reflect the fact that a majority do not see it as any worse than consuming alcohol.  About a quarter say it is a better choice and a similar number say it is worse, with the plurality saying it is no different.  Those who are younger are more likely to say cannabis is a better choice, while those who are older are more likely to say it is no difference. This sense of equivalence between alcohol and cannabis is related to the proximity that most Canadians have to the product.  People who have used the product are far more likely to say it is either a better or no worse choice than alcohol. The same can be said for those that support legalization.

Half have personally tried the product with 1 in 5 (21%) saying they consume cannabis regularly or occasionally.  And 7 in 10 know at least one person who consumes cannabis monthly.

A majority also say they are either comfortable or comfortable enough with edibles and beverages being available for adults to purchase in retailers licensed to sell cannabis.

THE UPSHOT

 As Canada moves towards legal recreational cannabis consumption, most Canadians, in every region of the country and across all political groups, either support or can accept the change.

The prevailing mood is conditioned by the fact that a good number of people have tried the product and/or know people who use cannabis, that using cannabis is no worse than using alcohol, and that the regulatory approach taken to date seems to be judged positively.

Opinions could change as people see legalization move from theory to practice, however, the mood of the country on this change, to this point in time, shows that acceptance is more common than anxiety.

METHODOLOGY

The survey was conducted online with 3,000 Canadian residents aged 18 and over from September 4 to 15, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are typically double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 1.79%, 19 times out of 20.

The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

 ABOUT ABACUS DATA

We are the only research and strategy firm that helps organizations respond to the unprecedented threat of generational change and technological disruption.

We are an innovative, fast-growing public opinion and marketing research consultancy. We use the latest technology, sound science, and deep experience to generate top-flight research-based advice to our clients. We offer global research capacity with a strong focus on customer service, attention to detail and exceptional value.

Contact us with any questions.

Ontario PCs lead amidst slight Liberal recovery and NDP slide

Premier Ford was swept into power by an intense desire for change incubated over a long stretch of provincial Liberal governments and under a historically disliked premier.

In Abacus Data’s first poll months since the Ontario PC win, we find that while most Ontarians still have negative views of the premier, few PC voters have buyer’s remorse and the PCs would be returned to office if an election was held today.

 PCs LEAD BY 7 AS NDP FALLS AND LIBERALS RISE

The Ontario PCs continue to command a lead over the other parties in the province.

36% of committed voters would vote PC (down 5 since the election), 29% would vote NDP (down 5) while Liberal support is up 5 to 24%.

PC support is fairly consistent across the province ranging from a high of 39% in the GTA (postal codes starting with L) to a low of 32% in Metro Toronto. The NDP is stronger in Metro Toronto and Northern Ontario, and trail both the PCs and Liberals in the region surrounding Toronto. The Liberals continue to struggle outside of the GTA and Metro Toronto.

PREMIER FORD CONTINUES TO BE POLARIZING, BUT HIS PERSONAL FAVOURABLE NUMBERS ARE UP WHILE HORWATH’S DECLINE

Our first poll last spring before the election found that about three in ten Ontarians had a positive impression of Doug Ford. Over the course of the campaign, that number shrank but has since recovered since the election.  That said, about half of Ontarians still have a negative impression of the Premier, largely unchanged since the week before E-day.

NDP leader Andrea Horwath, much as she was throughout the election campaign, is viewed more positively than negatively and has the best ratings of all provincial party leaders. Despite this, her positives are down 9 points to 35% since her peak at the end of May.

FEW SURPRISES FROM THE FORD GOVERNMENT

With some bold moves straight out of the gate- a notwithstanding clause here, a hydro one board firing there – most Ontarians say Doug Ford is governing about as they expected him to. This feeling holds true regardless of vote choice in the last election.

Those who voted PC in June say they are getting pretty much what they expected from the new government and Premier Ford.  Most NDP and Liberal voters feel the same way, but likely with a different set of emotions.

LITTLE BUYER’S REMORSE FROM SUPPORTERS OF FORD GOVERNMENT

Asked if they prefer the current PC government led by Doug Ford or would revert back to a Wynne-led Liberal government, more would opt for Ford and the PCs (58%) than go back to the previous Liberal government.

Not only would more continue to prefer a PC government over the previous Liberal one, many voters who did not vote PC say they prefer today’s Ford government over Wynne’s. Most notably, 36% of New Democrat voters say they would keep the current PC government instead of reverting back to the Liberals confirming that intense desire for change that swept the Wynne government from power.

WHAT NEXT?

Our campaign post-mortem in June found that half of the 28% of Ontarians who identify as capital “L” Liberals, voted for another party in the 2018 election. They defected to defeat a government they felt was stale. Our poll finds a small Liberal rebound as more of those partisans have come back into the Liberal fold.

But the overall status remains much like it was at the June election. The PCs hold a sizeable lead over the opposition, Premier Ford is a highly polarizing figure, but his supporters strongly back his agenda and the approach he’s taken to governing the province. Almost all of those who voted PC in 2018 (96%) would continue to prefer a PC government over the previous Liberal one.

NDP leader Andrea Horwath remains popular but has seen her numbers weaken over time and instead of consolidating anti-Ford sentiment behind the NDP, the opposition is more divided than during the election. Her ability to entrench the NDP as a government in waiting remains unclear at this point. Much may depend on the early victories she can score before the cameras turn towards an OLP leadership race potentially bolstered by a leader with less baggage and a rebuild & recover narrative. For now, the Ford government and the premier himself are polarizing but maintain a clear advantage thanks to a loyal and solid support base that has approved the new government’s first four months in office.

Methodology

The survey was conducted online with 1,500 Ontario residents aged 18 and over from September 30th to October 1st, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are typically double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Ontario’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

About Abacus Data

Abacus Data is an innovative, fast-growing public opinion, data science, and marketing research consultancy. We use the latest technology, sound science, and deep experience to generate research-based advice to our clients.  We offer global research capacity with a strong focus on customer service, attention to detail and value-added insight.

Our team combines the experience of our Chairman Bruce Anderson, one of Canada’s leading research executives for two decades, with the energy, creativity and research expertise of CEO David Coletto, PhD.

Learn more about our services and team.

Do you love oil? Hate oil? Either way, you’re in the minority.

In our most recent national public opinion survey, we explored one of the most contentious topics in Canadian politics – oil – and found most people don’t find it all that contentious.

When asked if they loved oil, hated oil, or “don’t have strong feelings about oil, it’s just a product that has some uses”, 73% chose the latter option to describe their view.

No strong feelings about oil is the view of 72% in BC, 76% in Ontario, and 74% in Quebec.  A remarkably consistent 73% of NDP, Conservative, and Liberal voters say they have no strong feelings about oil.

Roughly equal, and small, numbers of Canadians love (15%) and hate (13%) oil.  Only 21% of NDP voters hate oil, and only 21% of Conservative voters love oil.  37% of Albertans love oil.

Most Canadians reject the argument that increasing the capacity of pipelines to get our oil to new markets will end up meaning more oil will be used in the world for longer.  The majority (68%) believes that expanding our access to new markets won’t affect global oil consumption but will increase the economic benefits for Canadians.

This is the majority view of 69% of Liberal voters, 66% of NDP voters and 73% of Conservative voters.

Two out of three (67%) Canadians think pipelines are generally pretty safe, and worries tend to be more about the risk of spills from tankers (66%) than from pipelines (34%)

Most (69%) Canadians “support more oil moving through pipelines as long as the country is also moving towards cleaner forms of energy” while only 31% oppose increasing the amount of oil that moves through pipelines in Canada.  Large majorities of Liberal (72%) and Conservative (80%) voters are aligned on this question, while NDP voters are split with 57% saying they support the transition idea and 43% opposed to any increase in pipelining of oil.

Looking into the future, when asked what they hope will be the case in 50 years time, 62% of Canadians (including 42% in Alberta, and 47% of Conservative voters) say they would prefer it if “oil was no longer in use and other forms of energy was replacing it”, while 38% would prefer to see “oil production continuing and employing Canadians.”

Finally, it is worth noting that by a very wide margin, Canadians believe it is up to consumers to choose different energy products rather than up to oil companies to stop producing oil if a transition is to occur.

CONCLUSIONS

For years, pro-oil advocates and anti-oil crusaders have tried to weaponize public opinion – with very little to show for these efforts.  Canadians are relentlessly pragmatic – they see oil as a product with many practical uses, want to see it phased out over time, but see economic value in making sure Canada is a successful participant in the world market for oil, as long as efforts are made to shift energy use over time.

These numbers contain important signals for each of the main parties.

For the Liberals, the numbers reinforce that their supporters mostly see merit in a strategy of balance, even if some will be disappointed in the pace of change or discomfited by owning a pipeline.

For the Conservatives, the numbers warn that their base is neither homogeneously pro-oil, nor fixated on oil and pipelines.

But probably the most troublesome news is for the NDP – a party which attracts the strongest anti-oil voters but whose tent also includes many who believe in extracting economic benefits from Canadian energy and support pipeline construction.  This simmering internal tension may well become even more challenging for NDP leader Jagmeet Singh over the coming year.”

Methodology

Our survey was conducted online with 2,000 Canadians aged 18 and over from September 14 to 19, 2018 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 2.2%, 19 times out of 20.  The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Housing affordability is the top issue for Millennials who are looking to achieve the dream of homeownership

On behalf of The Canadian Real Estate Association (CREA), we conducted a national survey of 2,500 Canadian millennials (those aged 18 to 38) earlier this spring (April 18 to May 9). The survey explored attitudes and perceptions around housing with Canada’s largest generation.

Come the time of the next federal election in 2019, millennials will make up the largest group of eligible voters and Elections Canada estimates voter turnout among young voters increased by about 15 percentage points from 2011 to 2015. Given the size of the generation, if they vote collectively and turnout, they can have a major impact on the outcome of the next election.

Here are the highlights from the research:

MORE MILLENNIALS BELIEVE THAT THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD MAKE HOUSING AFFORDABILITY A TOP OR VERY HIGH PRIORITY THAN OTHER ISSUES.

Over 6 in 10 millennials rated housing affordability as a top or very high priority. It’s the top issue of those we tested and six points higher than government spending, cutting taxes, prescription drug prices, and fighting climate change.

And concern about housing affordability is not confined to the Greater Toronto Area or the lower mainland of British Columbia. Majorities in every province, except for Quebec, rated affordable housing as a top or very high priority for the federal government to focus on.

THE DREAM OF HOMEOWNERSHIP IS ALIVE AND WELL WITH MILLENNIALS.

 The concern about housing affordability among millennials comes from their strong desire to own their own home. Among those who do not own a home yet, 86% said they want to own a home someday and over two-thirds of this group are passionate about owning a home. For many millennials, homeownership and home improvement are topics they obsess over. Watching HGTV or browsing REALTOR.ca listings is a common practice for many young Canadians. The data confirms this.

MOST MILLENNIALS FEEL IT HAS BECOME MORE DIFFICULT TO BUY A RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY IN THE PAST YEAR.

 But the dream to own is up against growing anxiety about their ability to get into the housing market. Most millennials say that it has become more difficult to buy a residential property in the past year, including 63% of those who don’t currently own but want to.

And again, these feelings are not isolated to those living around Toronto, Vancouver, or Montreal – although perceptions are more acute in those regions. In urban, suburban, and rural communities across the country, a majority or a large plurality of millennials say it has become more difficult to buy a home in the past year.

When asked what affects affordability millennials are more likely to cite saving enough for a down payment (47%), the cost of carrying the home with monthly mortgage payments (44%), or specifically mortgage interest rates (38%). Fewer, but still a sizeable minority, feel that low supply or foreign buyers are a very big factor impact housing affordability in Canada.

MILLENNIALS FEEL THAT SOME POLICY CHANGES ARE HAVING A NEGATIVE IMPACT ON HOUSING AFFORDABILITY.

 When we asked what impact three policy changes have had on housing affordability, most feel that interest rate increases and government decisions that make it more difficult for people to get a mortgage have had a negative impact on housing affordability. One in three feels the same way about the new government rule that imposed new restrictions on when it will insure some properties worth more than $1 million.

INCREASING THE FIRST TIME HOME BUYERS TAX CREDIT IS HIGHLY APPEALING TO MILLENNIALS.

One policy opinion being recommended by the Canadian Real Estate Association is highly appealing to millennials. We presented a proposal that would increase the existing First Time Home Buyers Tax Credit from $750 to $5000 for those under 40. Overall, 65% felt it was a good idea and another 23% thought it was an acceptable idea. Few felt that it was a bad idea.

THE UPSHOT

 Over the past few years, I’ve noticed that housing affordability has been rising as a top concern for Canada’s millennial generation. This survey adds further evidence as young Canadians are increasingly concerned about their ability to afford a place to live and the dream of homeownership is slipping away from them.

Most want to own a home and many are passionate about the topic. It monopolizes conversations not just around Toronto and Vancouver, but in communities across the country as millennials feel that it is becoming more difficult to buy a home. Many feel that decisions being made by the federal government are having a negative impact, and there’s a clear desire for policy solutions to make the dream easier to achieve.

Housing is an issue that could activate millennials to engage in politics and turnout to vote in the next election. There’s a clear opportunity for political leaders to empathize with young Canadians, lead on the issue, and offer solutions to a challenge that most feel hopeless to solve.

METHODOLOGY

The survey was conducted online with 2,500 Canadians aged 18 to 38 (Millennials) from April 18 to May 9, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the 20-minute survey from several online panels of Canadians.

The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s millennial population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Liberal Re-Election Hopes?

May have less to do with a pipeline, more about attracting investment and helping with housing affordability.

As of today, 42% of voters say they would like to see the Liberals re-elected next year, and 58% say they would prefer to see a different party take power in Ottawa.  To put this in context, the Liberal Party won in 2015 with 39% of the vote – so 42% can be enough, but there is not a great deal of room between these two numbers.

While the desire for a change is broad, what often affects the outcome is the intensity of voter feelings. In our latest study we explored more about how determined people were to see change, and what if anything the Liberals could do to persuade them and win a second Trudeau term.

When we ask the 58% who want change whether there is anything the Liberals could do that would persuade them to support.  The results reveal a scenario where another 32% of the voting public indicate they could be persuaded to vote to re-elect the Liberals.

To better understand these 32% persuadable voters, we’ve focused in on a group that is presently planning to vote either Conservative (9% of the population, we will call Blue Persuadables) or NDP (6% of the population, we’ll call Orange Persuadables).  Together this 15% could become crucial swing voters for the Liberals as they begin planning their platform and election campaign.

We then went on to explore how many of these voters could be won over to the Liberal column based on a variety of different issues and initiatives. Not surprisingly, the list of things that would pull Orange Persuadables is somewhat different from that which would work for Blue Persuadables – but it’s not as different as one might expect.

For Orange Persuadables, the top 5 items among the 16 we tested were improving housing affordability, improving equality for women, helping reduce student debt, introducing a national pharmacare plan and broadening our trade relationships.  Here are some of the things we find interesting in this data.

Near the very bottom of the list are introducing a carbon price and dropping the TMX pipeline, which are reminders that while activists may be very vocal on these issues – these may not be matters of great topicality for regular voters. Almost as many Orange Persuadables would be won over by completing the pipeline as by dropping the project, also a reminder that many NDP supporters see value in the jobs of the extractive sector and in the construction business.

On carbon pricing, more Orange Persuadables would be won over by moves to making a carbon price neutral in terms of impact on the cost of living for voters than by the introduction of a carbon price itself. Ideas about consumer rebates could be helpful not only with hesitant conservative voters but “cost of living stressed” left of centre voters as well.

Broadening our trade relationships to more countries has more pulling power than many other items on this list, including completing an updated NAFTA deal. This is a reminder that in the era of Donald Trump, Canadians may be more convinced than ever of the virtue of putting more of our eggs in different baskets.

Turning to the Blue Persuadables, the top 5 items that could pull votes towards the Liberals are attracting more investment and jobs, doing more to control the border, improving housing affordability, tighter gun controls and doing more to limit spending and deficits.  Number 6 on the list is broadening our trade relationships.  What’s interesting in this data?

The current debate about gun controls is not the same as a long-form gun registry. There may be a significant number of conservative voters who see tighter controls over handguns and automatic weapons as a question of public safety/law and order.

The fact that housing affordability is at or near the top of the list for both groups underscores how powerful the cost of housing has become as a source of frustration for many middle to lower income and younger voters, especially in the country’s largest urban centres. Any party looking to create a platform that resonates would be well advised to look for solutions that might appeal to these voters.

Attracting investment and more jobs is a bigger pull than limiting spending, finishing TMX or concluding a deal on NAFTA. These persuadable conservatives will be attentive to a future growth story including about diversification of trading relationships, more than a retrenchment or austerity pitch.

UPSHOT

A lot of commentary focuses on the horserace numbers separating the three main parties, but a more interesting way to evaluate how this election scenario is shaping up is to recognize how many voters are up for grabs, and what might motivate them one way or another.

The Liberals have suffered some losses of top-line support over the last year but a remarkably large number of voters say they could be persuaded to want a Trudeau second term.  Doing something to help people trying to get into the housing market, broadening trade relationships, attracting investment, are the areas of focus that tend to cut across the spectrum in terms of appeal, and in some ways are more topical for people than the high profile debates about carbon price and pipelines.

For the Liberals, efforts to complete the pipeline and soften the consumer impact of a carbon price seem to be a path that will be perhaps as good as they can find on these contentious issues.

For Conservatives, these numbers are a reminder that the desire for change is not all that broad at this point, nor is it all that deeply felt. To win, they likely will need more than the current level of frustration with the Liberals and many of the ideas on this list might usefully be considered in their platform development.  Certainly, opposing more gun controls might be a question worth careful consideration, as might be the intense focus on the pipeline and carbon price question.  No doubt these animate the base but maybe leaving other voters to wonder what’s in a Conservative wish list for them.

Methodology

Our survey was conducted online with 2,000 Canadians aged 18 and over from September 14 to 19, 2018 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 2.2%, 19 times out of 20.  The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

Only 1 in 5 Canadian millennials believe they will see global gender equality in their lifetimes.

On behalf of The MATCH Fund, we asked Canadian millennials (those aged 18 to 37) their views on global gender equality and Canada’s role in trying to achieve it.

Here’s what we found:

Only one in five millennials believe they will see global gender equality achieved in their lifetime. Most think that gender equality will be achieved in Canada and similar countries, but the majority of Canadian millennials are skeptical that it can be achieved globally.

Female millennials are less confident than their male counterparts that gender equality will be achieved globally or even in countries like Canada within their lifetime.

Given this assessment, almost all millennials in Canada believe Canada has a role to play in investing in women’s rights efforts globally and half (51%) believe Canada should play a leading or big role in such an effort with another one in three feeling Canada should play a moderate role in investing in women’s rights globally.

Of note, there’s no difference between women and men on this question.

When asked who should be investing in trying to achieve gender equality global – the federal government, the charitable sector, or both – most Canadian millennials (52%) would prefer a collaborative approach and see a role for both government and the charitable sector. Another 26% think it should be the charitable sector’s role alone while 22% feel that it is mostly the federal government’s role to invest.

Of note, women were more likely to want to see a mix of both government and charitable organizations involved in the effort while men were more likely to pick either government or non-governmental organizations.

Taken together, 74% of Canadians would support the federal government playing some role in investing in gender equality globally

THE UPSHOT

We know from other research we have conducted that equality generally is an important issue for millennials in Canada. Canadian millennials believe strongly that equality – whether by race, sexual orientation, or religion – is a fundamental right.

This research for The MATCH Fund reaffirms that and shows that millennials in Canada – both men and women – want Canada to play a role in achieving global gender equality. They believe that the federal government has a role to play the work to achieve it and want it to be an active partner, working with non-governmental organizations to achieve gender equality, not just in Canada, but around the world.

Millennials are also realists. They recognize that achieving gender equality global won’t be easy. Most feel it may not be achieved within their lifetime and so they support action and collaboration to get the world closer to this important goal.

Perhaps most striking is the unity across gender lines in attitudes towards these issues. Millennial men are as likely as millennial women to want action and want Canada to play a role.

I’m excited to be part of a panel discussion about these results and how millennials view gender equality.

METHODOLOGY

The survey was conducted online with 1,700 Canadians aged 18 to 37 from June 21st, 2018 to July 4th, 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the 20-minute survey from several online panels of Canadians.

The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

For more information about the results and The MATCH Fund, please visit: http://matchinternational.org/media-advisory-gender-millennials/

What’s the Deal with Meal Kits

The meal kit industry has taken off in Canada and is currently valued at more than 120 million in the total global meal kit market of 2.2 billion. Meal kit subscriptions offer convenience, customization, and worry-free meal prep like no other offering in the food industry. The promise of a fresh, quick, and healthy meal delivered to your door with the click of a button is appealing to millennials who are eating it up.

From our research, we found that one in five millennials are either currently subscribed to a meal kit service or have been subscribed to one in the past. Understanding millennials shopping behaviors and preferences is key to understanding why this poor group is willing to hand over their hard-earned cash for kits.

First, the very premise of the meal kit, convenience, is something millennials hold near and dear to their hearts. Especially when it comes to shopping. As digital natives, millennials have grown up with virtually every good and service available with the click of a button on their smart phone. Ease of use and speed are important when making purchasing decisions and meal kits provide this for millennials, in both the ordering process and the product itself. Convenience is also becoming one of the biggest disruptors in the food industry as a whole, and is a driver for purchasing behaviors not just among millennials.

Next, the platform of e-commerce is well understood by the meal kit industry. With beautifully crafted sites full of Instagram worthy food photos, and a simple step by step guide on how the service works, meal kits clearly understand their audience. Customers easily build their ‘basket’ and check out in under 10 clicks. To receive a meal kit, customers also must subscribe and create an account that is linked to their email, where the services can continue to tempt subscribers with more mouth-watering images, and reminders of why they continue to subscribe. Customers are also subscribed to the service on a continuing basis, so as long as a customer doesn’t cancel their account the food continues to conveniently arrive every week.

The ability to make insta-worthy meals using meal kits must also not be downplayed. Millennials are the generation of foodies, eager to order, photograph and consume meals that look more like art than food. Eve Turow, author of, A Taste of Generation Yum, describes food as a ‘social currency’ for Millennials, it’s a way to “demonstrate luxury” and connect with others.

But what about prices? This is by far the biggest barrier for meal kits obtaining millennial customers, and the industry has been called out about the affordability of its products. And, in a study published by Goldman Sachs, millennials valued price more than their older counterparts. Not to worry, meal kit services have also figured out how to avoid this barrier by offering deep discounts for first time subscribers, often with one week of free meals. This discount draws new customers from both within the market, and those thinking of entering. It’s likely this tactic is very effective with millennials as two-thirds are open to switching brands if offered a discount of 30% or more. And with a system where millennials have to opt-out every week, rather than opt in, it’s likely that customers lured into the first-time discount will stick around.

As the industry and concept of meal kits are relatively new, we will have to wait and see if this service is something millennials feel is worthy of their hard-earned money. However, we know that those who are already using it, are extremely happy with the services they provide. Nearly 80% of meal kit subscribers said they were satisfied with their meal kit service. That being said, 13% of those we surveyed had previously subscribed to a kit, and then cancelled their subscription.

If the industry continues to grow, and can keep its customers happy, we think this trend is only set to grow among millennial consumers.

Election 2015 started as a three party race. Countdown to 2019 begins with the NDP well back.

A year from now, we will likely be in the middle of the 2019 federal election. Over the past 5 days, we polled 2,000 Canadian adults how they are seeing their political choices and how they feel about their political leaders.

Here are the highlights as we see them:

If Canadians voted today, our latest numbers indicate the Liberals would prevail.  Mr. Trudeau’s party would outpoll the other parties everywhere but in the Prairies. Notably, the Liberals find similar levels of support in BC as they won in 2015, despite the controversial Trans Mountain pipeline debate.

Having said that, trend lines of late have made it clear that Liberal support can rise and fall and that the Conservatives are considerably more competitive than they were a year ago.

Nationally, voting inclinations show the Liberals with 38% support, the Conservatives with 34%, the NDP at 17%. Liberal support in Ontario has strengthened in our latest wave of data, perhaps as a function of the settling out of provincial political influences.

The Liberals lead by 10 in BC, by 9 in Ontario, by 18 in Quebec and by 8 in Atlantic Canada. The Conservatives lead by 37 in Alberta and 18 in the other two Prairie provinces.

Approval of the federal government performance stands at 44% and has been stable for the last 3 months while disapproval is down to 37% from a high of 41% in late winter/early spring 2018.  Approval is 44% or higher everywhere except in the Prairies and stands at 47% in Ontario.

IMPRESSIONS OF POLITICAL LEADERS

As we regularly do, we asked respondents for their opinion of political leaders.

Justin Trudeau elicits 44% positive opinion and 37% negative for a net +7.  Again, regional differences are important to note: Mr. Trudeau’s net positive scores are +11 in Ontario,  +12 in BC and +15 in Quebec.

Conservative leader Andrew Scheer has 25% positive and 26% negative opinion (-1).  His positives and negatives have both risen by roughly equal amounts over the last year.  Mr. Scheer’s numbers are considerably stronger on the Prairies, and softer in BC (-8) and Ontario (-8).

NDP leader Jagmeet Singh finds 20% positive opinion, and 28% negative (-8).  Compared to when he assumed the leadership his negatives are 11 points higher, and his positives 2 points higher. Mr. Singh’s negatives are higher than his positives in every region today, including BC where he is running for a seat.

Maxime Bernier, leader of the new People’s Party of Canada, finds 9% positive and 32% negative opinion (-23).

Bernier’s image is starting out negative across the country and among all party voters. While he is more known in Quebec, only 12% of Quebecers have a positive impression of him with 40% have negative views (-28).

Green Party leader Elizabeth May has 22% positive, 23% negative for a net of -1. In BC, 31% have a positive impression of her compared with 25% negative (+6).

To provide a bit of added context we included popularity measures for Doug Ford (-30), Rachel Notley (-6), Bernie Sanders (+23), Hillary Clinton (+2) and Donald Trump (-71). In Alberta, Ms. Notley is 24% positive – 44 negative (-20).  In Ontario Doug Ford is 24% positive – 51% negative (-27).

UPSHOT

According to Bruce Anderson: “Heading into the last election, the Liberals needed to fight for a share of voice against the incumbent Conservatives and an NDP which was the Official Opposition party led by the high-profile Thomas Mulcair.

Today, the Liberals have accumulated some of the scars of incumbency, and the Conservatives don’t have a broadly unpopular leader.  But as important as these factors are in creating a different starting point,  the biggest X-factor heading into 2019 will be the role of the NDP.

There remain many voters who would consider voting either Liberal or NDP but whose choice will be influenced by whether they warm to the new NDP leader or feel the NDP is competitive in their riding or across the country. These current numbers suggest NDP provincial gains in Ontario have not sparked a broader interest in support for the party at the national level, and a weak NDP in Quebec, Ontario, and BC make for a more promising landscape for the Liberal Party and a bigger challenge for Conservatives to overcome.”

According to David Coletto: “The competitive national race between the Liberals and Conservatives overlooks a tougher provincial landscape for the Conservatives. With large leads in Quebec, Ontario, BC, and Atlantic Canada, the Liberals would likely win another majority government if an election was held today.

Despite a fairly turbulent summer involving the Trans Mountain pipeline, border crossings, and NAFTA negotiations, support for the Liberals has held steady nationally and appears to have rebounded in Ontario after the provincial election. More people like Prime Minister Trudeau than dislike him and the government’s approval rating has held steady since March.

While Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives are in striking distance, competition from Maxime Bernier might complicate his path to victory. For the NDP, there’s still opportunity but impressions of Mr. Singh have become less positive and more negative over the summer months.

The bottom line: as long as the federal government’s approval rating is in the low to mid-40s which it has been since the spring, the Liberals will be tough to beat.”

METHODOLOGY

Our survey was conducted online with 2,000 Canadians aged 18 and over from September 14 to 19, 2018 2018. A random sample of panelists was invited to complete the survey from a set of partner panels based on the Lucid exchange platform. These partners are double opt-in survey panels, blended to manage out potential skews in the data from a single source.

The margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 2.2%, 19 times out of 20.  The data were weighted according to census data to ensure that the sample matched Canada’s population according to age, gender, educational attainment, and region. Totals may not add up to 100 due to rounding.

DETAILED TABLE